The 1967 Six Day War with Israel changed the face of Coptic pilgrimage to Jerusalem. With the loss of East Jerusalem from Jordanian control, pilgrimage to the Holy City rapidly came to a halt as pilgrims now would have been visiting a country with which their nation was at war, hardly offering the Israeli administration good incentive to provide a visa ¹ . For the next eleven years, the state of war continued to prevent Coptic pilgrimage as a matter of national law and wartime politics, condoned by Pope Shenouda III. However, starting with the 1978 Peace Accords of Camp David, the clarity of why the pilgrimage could not be undertaken vanished ². 

The agreements made at Camp David paved the way for the 1979 Peace Treaty between Israel and Egypt, brokered by President Anwar Sadat of Egypt and Prime Minister Menachem Begin of Israel and witnessed by President Jimmy Carter of the United States of America on March 26, 1979 ³. While the treaty itself did not contain any explicit mention or specific clause relating to Christian pilgrimage in Jerusalem or the Coptic Orthodox population, Christian participation in the treaty appears to have been an underlying tacit part of the agreement. Israeli tourism to Egypt had boomed following the treaty, with little to no reciprocal effect on the part of Egyptians ⁴. The treaty was unpopular in Egypt making the Egyptian visits that would normalize Egypto-Israeli relations as outlined in the treaty unlikely from the majority Muslim population⁵. Thus, the Coptic Orthodox pilgrimage could have provided the necessary solution: an Egyptian group with pre-existing impetus to visit Jerusalem (and therefore Israel) that could be utilized to normalize relations without requiring a massive change in popular opinion from the Muslim community in Egypt ⁶. However, Pope Shenouda III did not sign on to this plan to restore the pilgrimage; in 1979, as the Treaty of Peace between the Arab Republic of Egypt and the State of Israel was going into effect, Pope Shenouda III decreed a papal ban on Coptic Orthodox visits to Israel ⁷. While the ban certainly came at a critical political juncture in the modern history of Egypt, the ban's exact origins, implications, and underlying authority are hardly clear within the Coptic Orthodox Church itself ⁸. 

Now in 2009, thirty years after the original post-war decree came into being, the ban continues to exist in the forefront of Egyptian national discourse, as well as within the Coptic Orthodox community's own private discourse. As shall be seen, Pope Shenouda III himself has been both highly praised as well as sharply criticized for this decision. Nevertheless, to this day, the ban remains an elusive policy within the Coptic Orthodox Church. 

The reason(s) for its existence remain(s) subject to multiple interpretations and it seems improbable that the exact intention(s) of Pope Shenouda III in 1979 will ever be perfectly clarified. However, what remains to be examined is the dynamic discourse of the policy itself. How has the debate around the Jerusalem pilgrimage and its ban formed and changed within the last thirty years? With what tropes and themes is the ban discussed (e.g. as a religious, political, economic, social issue, et cetera) and are other debates framed within the context of the ban (e.g. Pope Shenouda III's legitimacy, papal authority, creation and maintenance of sacred space, the orthodoxy of the Coptic Orthodox tradition in comparison with other Judeo-Christian traditions, nature and jurisdiction of the Coptic Orthodox Church within the lives of its believers both in Egypt and abroad, et cetera)? What are the effects of the ban on the Coptic Orthodox Church itself? In summation, what is the contemporary discourse about the Israeli travel ban in the Coptic Orthodox Church and how does it relate to other ongoing debates and discourses with the Church? 

It is with such framing questions in mind that the following research has been undertaken, drawing on Egyptian journalistic articles and interviews with Pope Shenouda III published in Egyptian papers within the last twelve years as primary source documents, as well as personal interviews conducted by the researcher throughout Egypt as well as in the Coptic community abroad during the summer of 2009 with informants ranging from laypeople to bishops with a variety of professional training and experiences⁹ . These materials are contextualized using scholarly research previously undertaken on the Coptic Orthodox Church and Egyptian history. Because of the nature of these sources, this work does not seek to answer the question of why the ban was put into effect in 1979, but rather reflections upon the original decision through a series of historiographic accounts told by informants. Again to stress the point, the purpose of this paper is not a historically accurate account of the origin of the policy but rather a depiction of the ways in which the ban is used and what it represents in Coptic Orthodox discourse today. Any conclusions drawn from this work should therefore be understood as ethnographic reflections upon the state of contemporary Coptic Orthodox discourse as of 2009, and not necessarily indicative of this discourse in 1979. 

What follows has been organized into several sections for clarity. First, a short background is provided on the history of the Coptic Orthodox Church, Coptic Orthodox pilgrimage, and a brief biography of His Holiness Pope Shenouda III. This is followed by a summary of the frameworks in which the ban is currently discussed, each of which is then treated in depth, based off of the primary source texts and ethnographic interviews taken. The broad conclusions drawn from this evidence then makes up the final part of this article.